Borderlands: Physical and Cultural Frontiers of the Chicano Identity.

 

Borderlands: Physical and Cultural Frontiers of the Chicano Identity.

“The actual physical bordedand that I'm dealing with in this book is the Texas-U.S Southwest/Mexican border. The psychological borderlands, the sexual borderlands and the spiritual borderlands are not particular to the Southwest. In fact, the borderlands are physically present wherever two or more cultures edge each other, where peopIe of different races occupy the same territory, where under, lower, middle and upper classes touch, where the space between two individuals shrinks with intimacy.”

With these words, Gloria Anzaldúa opens the preface to her book Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza, a semi-autobiographical text in which the author talks about what it is like to be a Chicano American and grow up on the border between Texas and Mexico, and everything, what this entails as a "middle ground," in-between two languages, two cultures, two peoples. And precisely this plurality of identities characterizes not only the lives of those who, like her, live on the border, in any border, physical or otherwise, as she points out in the passage quoted above, but also the text itself: Borderlands/La Frontera is written in a mixture of two languages, English and Spanish (with relative variants and dialects), like a stream of consciousness, to reflect thoughts with the same naturalness with which they come to mind. 

The author does not try to translate these thoughts into one language or another, but writes them as they come, making extensive use of code-switching and, in this way, she does not limit herself to giving equal dignity to both the dominated language (Spanish) than to the dominant one (English). However, she wants to reproduce that mestizaje, that linguistic and cultural mixture based on contamination and syncretism.

Furthermore, the result is this: a mix of languages, cultures, and visions that fully reflects the very identity of Anzaldúa and all borderlanders like her. For them, this mixing is an integral part of their identity.

Being a U.S. citizen Xicanx and living on the border means not feeling or being considered entirely American, but not even Mexican; it means enduring continuous discrimination and stereotypes, being victims of racism, but it also means living with the tension and anxiety of being killed or arrested by the immigration police, as they are mistaken for immigrants trying to cross the border illegally. In this regard, I report a testimony of Anzaldúa, taken from Borderlands:

 "In the camps, the immigration police. My aunt shouted, Do not run, do not run. They will think you are on the other side. In the confusion, Pedro ran, fearing he would be caught. He could not speak English; he could not tell them he was a fifth-generation American. Undocumented, he had not brought his birth certificate with him to work in the fields. The police took him away before our eyes."

Gloria Anzaldúa was a writer and academic of Chicano, feminist and queer cultural theory, and the text mentioned above is a sort of spiritual testament in which her experience, beliefs, and theories emerge and merge.

But if by now concepts such as feminism and queer are known to almost everyone, the same cannot be said of the Chicano identity, or rather, to use an inclusive term, Xicanx. It is a cultural identity that belongs to those people whose natural land, to quote Anzaldúa, is Aztlán, the region that corresponds to today's U.S. southwest and is the place of origin of the Aztecs.

Around 1000 BC, part of this population moved to what are now the lands of Mexico and the states of Central America, becoming the direct ancestors of many Mexicans and Mexicans today. When the Spaniards conquered Mexico in the 16th century, a new hybrid "race" (term used by Anzaldúa) was born, mestiza, from the union of Indian and Spanish blood. The Chicanos and the Chicanas are the fruit of those first pairings.

A critical date that will mark a turning point is February 2, 1848, the year in which the Mexican and U.S. governments signed the famous Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, to put an end to two years of violent conflicts (Mexican-US War 1846-48) in the who lost their lives more than 63 thousand people of both nationalities (Gutiérrez, 1995). After the U.S. victory, the Treaty established new borders between the two countries. Mexico will be forced to cede much of its territory to the United States: Texas, California, New Mexico, most of Arizona, a large part of Nevada, Utah, and Colorado, and, finally, a part of Wyoming. All this will indirectly mark the fate of about 100,000 Mexicans, who will suddenly find themselves living within a new state.

At least formally, an attempt was made to guarantee them the same rights enjoyed by other U.S. citizens, but in everyday reality, these remained only good intentions imprinted on paper. Indeed, the new Mexican-American population will soon become an ethnic minority, often the victim of discrimination and exploitation.

However, who are the Chicanos? Chicanos are individuals who, through the migratory process, regain possession of their lands. Lands once belonged to the great Mexican empire: that famous Southwest that many Chicanos still consider today as their country of origin. They, therefore, do not feel like immigrants, at least not in the etymological sense of the term; it is the U.S. company that perceives them as such.

It was above all starting from the 1960s that the Chicans will try, on the one hand, to reconstruct the origins and history of their people, on the other, to recover all those pre-Columbian symbols or, in other words, those "figures of memory" that they will connote, in an even more specific and incisive way, the identity and sense of belonging of the people of La Raza. It will be with the myth of Aztlán and that of the Raza Cósmica, elaborated by the Mexican philosopher José Vasconcelos in 1925 (esmexico.com, youtube) that the Chicano people will become aware of their historical and cultural identity. 

The symbolic reference to Aztlán, therefore, reveals the need on the part of many Chicanos to find a founding tale of indigenous origin, which represents a solid point from which to proceed for the construction of a cultural and political identity alternative to that of the United States, but also in the same time to the Mexican one. Therefore, from the construction of this social memory, their complex identity as Mexican-Americans will take shape, and they will begin to claim their belonging to the people of La Raza proudly.

A person born when the first son of Hernán Cortés and his mistress-translator, the famous Malinche, was born. Although we are on a purely theoretical and speculative terrain, I consider the creation of this theoretical-mythological corpus to be of fundamental importance for the emergence of the Chicano cultural construction. Before the birth and spread of Chicanoism, in the decade from 1930 to 1940, young Mexican-Americans had given birth, especially in the Southwest of the United States, to the subculture of the so-called pachucos, boys between the ages of thirteen and seventeen who stood out for their way of dressing and the dialect they spoke. 

The pachucos generally grouped into rival bands, showing obvious signs of recognition. What stood out most was undoubtedly the clothing, particularly the famous zoot suits. The dominant society will identify anyone with such characteristics as a gang member. As such, their identity could not be reconciled either with the environment and culture of origin, that is, Mexican, or with the new American culture. That pachuco was, therefore, the first form of hybrid identity. As we will see, this subculture will give way to that of the Chicanos, who will retain part of the old slang, but give it a strong political connotation. Initially, the Chicano term was used negatively, and it will only be starting from the 1960s that it will be assumed in the process of self-determination, which led to an overturning of the meaning.

Thus began a series of battles fought in the name of civil and political rights in the 1960s. The first to mobilize were the white students, who marched along the streets against the Vietnam War; then followed the feminist movements and those for the civil rights of African Americans; finally, the movements of liberation and social justice of the Chicanos, as well as of the other ethnic minorities of the United States: Puerto Ricans, Asian-Americans, and Native-Americans ("Fuimos desde todos los E.U. - raza, negros, indios, anglos - demandando justicia." Martínez, 1991, p. 128).

We can say that the assumption of the name "Chicano" represented the starting point from which, on the one hand, an awareness of identity will develop and, on the other, the awareness of the need to pursue a series of socio-economic issues, political, cultural, economic, and educational.

At that time, the Chicano identity was claimed within the Chicano Movement, also called El Movimiento, born in the USA to express the pride of being of indigenous descent, fight the racism suffered, discrimination and stereotypes, and to encourage a cultural revitalization against assimilation to U.S. culture. However, it was a broader movement and, therefore, the demands put forward involved various issues also on the political and social level. Basically, it is a protest born with the same purposes and for the same reasons as the African-American one, except that no one talks about it, and few know its existence and history.

"In the spirit of a people aware not only of their proud historical heritage, but also of the brutal 'gringa' invasion of our territories, we, Chicanos, inhabitants and civilizers of the northern land of Aztlán from whence came the our ancestors, redeeming what was their native land and consecrating the determination of our people of the sun, we declare that the voice of the our blood is our power, our responsibility, and our inevitable destiny."

With these words, the Plan Espiritual de Aztlán, an ideological manifesto, opens and political program is drawn up by Alurista, one of the most significant leading poets of Renacimiento Chicano, presented in 1969 in Denver at the first Annual Chicano Youth Conference, which saw crops, young activists, from all over the U.S. Conceived as a plan of liberation, it constituted one of the fundamental acts of Movimiento Chicano, which developed two years earlier in the south of California and quickly spread to the Mexican community Americans, an official term by which the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights recognized Mexicans "de este lado" until 1971.

The Movement also represented an essential contribution to the condition of women since, within the Movement itself, Chicana feminism, also called Xicanism, was born: the women who took part in the Chicano Movement (Allyn, 2019), in fact, soon realized that the fact that they were Chicano and women at the same time penalized them doubly, even concerning their battle mates and not only for white Americans. 

Their goals thus became to question the traditional role they had within the family, including issues relating to women and the LGBTQ community, hitherto unknown identities, in the Movement, and recover and reclaim their indigenous roots, giving you back the respect they deserved. The Chicanas claimed to be oppressed by racism, sexism, and imperialism (which is valid for all non-white women in the United States), while the same could not be said of their male counterparts, so sexism was not a problem.

Chicana feminism, therefore, proposed itself as a response to patriarchy, racism, classism, and colonialism.

In this reconstruction of the historical and political and, above all, psychological and cultural processes that led to the formation of the Chicano identity, the Movement of the Sixties and Seventies, as we have been able to see, certainly played a central role.

In the following interventions, we will see the evolution, the reference models, and the leaders who will lead the Movement.

 

Works cited

 

Allyn, Noah.  “Chicana Power: Female Leaders in el Movimiento and the Search for

           Identity.” History Colorado. (June 12, 2019) Retrieved from


https://www.historycolorado.org/story/colorado-voices/2019/06/12/chicana-power-          female-leaders-el-movimiento-and-search-identity

Anzaldúa, Gloria. “Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza.”  San Francisco, Aunt Lute

           Books. (1987)

Davis, Mike. “Magical Urbanism. Latinos Reinvent the US City.” London-NewYork, Verso

           (2000)

esmexico.com. “La raza cósmica de José Vasconcelos”. Retrieved from

            https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z7vBbN6qxPw

Gutiérrez, G. David. “Walls and Mirrors, Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrant, and the

            politics of Ethnicity.” Berkeley, University of California Press. (1995)

Martinez, Elizabeth. “500 Anos del Pueblo Chicano 500 years of Chicano History

            pictures.” New Mexico, SouthWest Organizing Project SWOP. (1991)














 


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